Philippine Myths, Legends, Epics History Essay
Legends and myths are not simply basic stories; they contain lessons and ethics that went on from era to era. These stories might likewise incorporate significant recorded information about the way of life of certain individuals or the whole race. The Philippine fables are the wellsprings of the numerous issues of local life. Initially told and retold by the forefathers of long prior, these stories have streamed down to the present through the lips of storytellers and have turned into a key a portion of the nation’s social legacy (Fullmer, 2013).
Rice in Philippine Myths and Legends
Philippine mythology and old stories incorporate a gathering of stories and superstitions about enchanted animals and substances. Some Filipinos, despite the fact of being intensely westernized, still have confidence in such issues. Philippine mythology and superstitions vary depending on the region. This is because the nation has numerous islands and they are possessed by diverse ethnic gatherings. Then again, certain likenesses exist among these gatherings, for example, the root of rice (Acabado, 2009).
Origin of Rice
There was a period, numerous years earlier, when rice was not known at all. At that time, the progenitors lived on such products as vegetables, wild animals and birds, which they hunted in the mountains or the timberlands. Working the dirt was still obscure. Likewise, poultry and pig was not yet a piece of their method for living. Since individuals relied upon the nourishment the nature gave, and not what they themselves developed or raised, their stay in one spot was always temporary. At the point when there was nothing more to hunt or gather in a certain place, they would go to another location where there was a lot of sustenance. Therefore, they flowed starting with one place then onto the next (Juanillo 2011).
In the beginning of the day, the men set off to the mountains or woods to hunt, while the women and little kids were busy fishing and gathering foods grown from the ground. Following full time work, every single wild creature that had been killed in the chase, and all foods grown from the ground that had been assembled would be divided equally among all the families, which maintained the balance (Juanillo 2011). One day, a group of hunters went out to chase a deer. In their yearning to have a decent prey, the men walked all over until they came to the Cordillera Mountains. Having a long journey, and feeling dead drained, they chose to take a rest under a major tree. It was nearing twelve and every one of them were hungry (Patriarca, 2015).
While resting in the shade of the tree, they saw, not far from them, a group of men and women who did not look the same as common people. The hunters understood that they were divine beings and goddesses who lived in that partof the mountain. At the same time the men stood up and gave the gods due admiration. The divine beings were happy of this signal. Consequently, they invited the hunters to have a dinner with them (Juanillo 2011).
The men helped to cook the dinner. They butchered the deer and a wild pig, and afterward set them over the hot coals. In a brief time, a worker of the divine beings got a few bamboos and set them over the fire. The bamboos contained little white pieces formed like dabs. Before long, the cooked bits were set in saucer-molded banana leaves (Juanillo 2011). The table weighed down with simmered meat, cooked vegetables, and new natural products. Different bamboos were gotten and these contained what looked like immaculate water (Patriarca, 2015). The hunters soon discovered that the precious substance was not water, yet rather, the wine of the “bathalas” (Fullmer, 2013).
To begin with, the men were hesitant to join the gala as they saw the little white parts. “We don’t eat worms,” the boss hunter said. The “bathalas” grinned. “These white dot-molded portions are not worms,” answered one of the divine beings. “They are cooked rice. They originated from a special sort of plant, which we ourselves develop. Come and eat with us. “After the god had talked, the seekers did not resist any longer. They ate with the divine beings. They were satisfied and glad, because they had been bolstered as well as in light of the vitality: they felt in the wake of eating cooked rice. Their powerless bodies became solid once more (Fullmer, 2013).
After the blowout, the hunters expressed gratitude to the divine beings. Before leaving, each hunter got a sack of palay from gods. “This is palay,” clarified one more of the divine beings. “Pound the palay, winnow and clean it exceptionally well. Wash the rice with water and place the washed rice between the pieces of the bamboo with enough water to be consumed by the rice. At that point, put the bamboo over the flame until it is cooked. “The god delayed for some time. At that point he kept on talking. “The wiped out will get to be solid and every one of you will be fulfilled in the wake of eating. Safeguard a portion of the palay for your seedbed. The divine beings exhorted the hunters to begin planting amid the blustery season. Amid the dry season, they could collect the palay. The gods then advised the men to present the palay in their town and show the general population how to till the dirt. You will discover advancement, and this will prevent you from meandering from spot to spot(Fullmer, 2013).
The hunters expressed gratitude to the divine beings again. At that point, they set off for their town. They followed the guidance of gods. They taught their own kin how to till the dirt and plant rice. They also taught their kindred villagers how to cook rice. Obviously, they presented the eating of cooked rice to the general population. After numerous years, the act of eating rice and the craft of its planting have to be far reaching. Numerous different barangays soon embraced the practice and skill. From that time forth, rice has turned into an essential sustenance of our kin. Likewise, alongside the working of the dirt, our kin have figured out how to raise creatures and to build changeless abodes (Fullmer, 2013).
Rice Farming and Rituals
In the long time past days, starvation was prominent in the Philistines. The frantic individuals entreated their goddess to spare them. Moved by compassion, the goddess slid to the earth. The area was dried off with dry spell, with just a couple of strong weeds on the ground. The goddess uncovered her chest and poured milk into every desolate ear of the weeds. When her milk ran out and she saw that there were still vacant ears, she requested that the sky gave her more drain. On the other hand, when she squeezed her chest once more, just blood turned out. When she was done, she then twisted low over the plants and begged them to prosper and encourage her once more (Haban, 2009).
Among the World Heritage destinations in the Philippines, the Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras have such an effective vicinity, to the point that makes them a standout amongst the most extraordinary spots in the nation. Lying high in the Cordillera Mountain, their setting cannot be duplicated anywhere in the swamp tropical scene or even anywhere on the planet. Weeks passed and the weeds developed and turned out to be full of grain. At the point when the general population collected the stalks and beat them open, a few grains were as white as the goddess’ milk while some were as red as her blood. The general population cooked the grains and discovered them nourishing. Cheering, for finally they have got sustenance, the people offered gratitude to the goddess as they re-planted and collected this weed, which is what is presently known as rice (Russel, 1920).
Birthplace myths propose this was essentially found through experience to manage nourishment sources, particularly in light of catastrophes, for example, dry spell and plagues and cholera. The general rule and procedure of terracing was exhibited in custom myths, however the strategies were created through time and by the involvement of the perfect mediation of Ifugao progenitors. In their progenitor-incited dreams a few aptitudes, have been created by the Ifugaos for their rice terracing custom. A few ceremonies have been produced by the Ifugaos that deify their precursors in their rice terracing convention. It is trusted that the custom myths presented in rice ceremonies frame its establishment (Acabado, 2009).
Researchers believe, inclines have been terraced and planted with rice as far back as 2,000 years. Mountains terraced into paddies that still make due in shifting conditions of protections are spread over area range (7 percent of the aggregate area regions of the Philippine archipelago) that is in the northern Luzon regions of Kalinga-Apayao, Abra, Benguet and Ifugao. The implausible site is found at heights differing from 700 to 1,500 meters above ocean level, where porches are cut into mountain inclines with forms that ascent steeply (Madigan, 1964).
Presence in the Cordillera unites man with nature, and the unparalleled perspective shows how man has formed the scene to permit him develop rice. The sheer beauty of the patios imparts uniqueness and quality. Other than wind and stirring leaves, there is additionally the consistent sound of water streaming downhill on the waterways that flood the patios. There is nobleness in society and environment communicated by the ageless peacefulness of the porches. Most Filipinos view the porches as their most noteworthy national image (Russel, 1920).
The starting points and age of the Ifugao rice patios in the Philippine Cordillera keep on inciting interest and creative ability in scholastic and prominent civil arguments. For Southeast Asian researchers, dating these patios is basic for comprehension of Philippine ancient times and Southeast Asian designs even more largely. Past the insightful group, the terraced Ifugao scene has caught the world’s creative ability as an imperative social scene. To date on the other hand, lacking work has been embraced to decide either when the porches were initially built or the period included in building this layered scene (Acabado, 2009).
The Ifugao are one of a few minority ethno semantic gatherings in the northern Philippines, and one of the best recorded by ethno noteworthy and anthropological researchers. At the turn of the twentieth century, two unmistakable figures in Philippine humanities started an escalated examination of the Ifugao. Researchers proposed a 2000-3000 year old cause for the Ifugao rice patios, utilizing perceptions and subjective theories on to what extent it would have taken the Ifugao to alter the tough geology of the region. This ‘long history’ has turned into a sort of got insight that discovers its way into course books and national histories (Acabado, 2009).
The slick positions of level topped lake fields have likewise been called ‘a stairway to the sky’ – a similitude that summons the legendary starting points of the local rice assortments developed in the range. As indicated by conventional stories, these extraordinary sorts of rice were given to the Ifugao individuals by the divine forces of Kabunyan, the Skyworld. In return, the Ifugao individuals demonstrated the Skygods the mystery of cooking with flame. By and by, the sweet-smelling rice from the Skyworld accompanied conditions appended. The Ifugao needed to guarantee that they would obediently perform a few customs that would shield the rice plants from vermin and sicknesses and guarantee plentiful harvests (Russel, 1920).
At the other side of the range, a few researchers have proposed a later starting point of the Ifugao rice porches. Utilizing confirmation from lexical data and ethno memorable records, these studies recommend that the terraced scenes of the Ifugao are the deciding consequence of populace venture into the Cordillera good countries in light of Spanish colonization. Swamp mountain contacts are known even before the Spanish landing. These contacts may have encouraged the development of swamp people groups to the good countries when the Spanish set up bases in their districts (Russel, 1920).
The Ifugao Rice Terraces, which take after the characteristic forms of the mountains, just improve the district’s rough normal excellence. They additionally exemplify a consonant, practical relationship in the middle of people and their surroundings. These fields, and the learning to cultivate and support them, have been gone down from era to era for a considerable length of time. The structures’ unique developers utilized stone and mud dividers to painstakingly cut and build porches that could hold overwhelmed lake fields for the development of rice. They also settled a framework to water these plots by collecting water from peak woods. These inconceivable designing accomplishments were finished by hand as seemed to be (and is) the cultivating itself. The rice porches have long been a key to the survival of the Ifugao people, yet they additionally involved a focal significance inside of their way of life. Whole groups participate in repetitive, occasional frameworks of planting and control (Kokemuller, 2015).
Today, the Ifugao rehearse a mix of wet-rice terraced cultivating and swiddening. This agrarian framework is critical in the customary association of their public. The first class (kadangyan) own the wet-terraced rice fields, while the least social class (nawatwat) owned the dry rice fields. The burden of the pilgrim period corrupted the relationship between the kadangyan and the nawatwat. Beforehand, the kadangyan had colossal social impact in Ifugao society: they settled on the Programs for patio building, upkeep, and ceremonies. With the osmosis of the Ifugao by more extensive swamp Philippine society, this social element has subsequently changed. It likewise has significant ramifications in the support and preservation of these structures (Acabado, 2009).
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Determining the vestige of the whole Cordillera terraced field custom requires archeological work to figure out if the customary ‘long history’ or the revisionist ‘short history’ even more precisely speaks to the word related history of this area. Such work requires many years of examination in distinctive territories over the bumpy district, starting with regions inside Ifugao area (Russel, 1920).
Late archeological and ethno-authentic examination gives occasion to feel qualms about this conviction. To tell the truth, the patios seem, by all accounts, to be around 450 years of age (PDF). This implies they date from a period when Spanish colonizers of the Philippines were first infiltrating into the inside of northern Luzon. This timing recommends that the well-known patios may be a result of the pilgrim experience: as the Ifugaos attempted to separate themselves from the Spanish danger, they withdrew from low-lying locales into mountain shelters. The number of inhabitants in the mountain zones developed, and interest for sustenance expanded, so the Ifugaos opened up new rural patios on ever more elevated valley slants (Kokemuller, 2015).
The customary arrangement of the rustic individuals of Misamis Oriental and the northern portion of Bukidnon Province reaches out to all parts of life. The family relationship complex, the obligation reimbursement complex, and the soul world complex tie the customs in continuing manner into the way of life of the territory. The main custom among the ordinarily rehearsed nourishment creation ceremonies is the harvest custom. This comprises the essentials of a soul feast at which suitable vocal supplications to God and to the spirits arepronounced. Since the commitment of offering the supper is accepted to be grave, most ranch families deliberately satisfy it every year. Answers for the peaceful issues raised by the presence and routine of the customs by Catholics are not liable to be found in forbidding their execution by Catholics, yet in further investigation of the nature and elements of the ceremonies (Madigan, 1964).
A portion of the Ibaloy’s rice-planting service is the custom describing a birthplace myth about how Kabuniyan of the skyworld got rice from Maseken of the underworld. Kabuniyan tossed a lance at a deer that hopped into dark water; however he hit the top of Maseken’s home. When he pulled up the lance, there was a stalk of rice connected to it. A low voice from the house under the water blamed him for having stolen Maseken’s palay or unhusked rice. In the wake of listening to Kabuniyan’s clarification for the transgression, Maseken taught him to plant the palay in the field and to summon his name at each harvest time (Russel, 1920).
Created around the time the Spanish control of the Philippines started in 1565, the Tinikling dance follows its sources to the island of Leyte. The wet atmosphere of the island made it exceptionally suitable for developing products, for example, rice. Agriculturalists and field hands working in the rice paddies had numerous chances to watch the conduct of the tikling fowls that lived in the range as they hunt down sustenance along the field edge. Impersonating the jumping developments at home turned out to be a diverting hobby (Kokemuller, 2015).